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‘Jokowi’s magic has now gone’: Prabowo ready for presidential debate

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By James Massola & Karuni Rompies

16 January 2019 — 4:12pm

Jakarta: Terrorism, human rights, legal affairs and corruption will take centre stage when President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and his opponent Prabowo Subianto square off in the first presidential debate of 2019.

Tens of millions of Indonesians are expected to tune in for the debatel, which will also feature Widodo’s running mate, the Islamic cleric Ma’ruf Amin, and Prabowo’s offsider, former Jakarta deputy governor Sandiaga Uno.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo may be targeted for not making enough progress in tackling endemic corruption in Indonesia.

Indonesian President Joko Widodo may be targeted for not making enough progress in tackling endemic corruption in Indonesia.Credit:Getty

Both camps have indicated they will try to focus on the issues that matter to voters and their political programs – rather than ramping up political attacks on their opponents – but both sides have vulnerabilities that may be too tempting for the other to ignore.

Prabowo is still dogged by allegations of human rights abuses taking place when he was a military commander in East Timor, and alleged involvement in the kidnapping of activists during the 1998 reformasi demonstrations that led to the end of former president Suharto’s long rule – charges he has always denied.

Prabowo Subianto will square off with Widodo in the first presidential debate of 2019.

Prabowo Subianto will square off with Widodo in the first presidential debate of 2019.Credit:James Massola

The challenger, in turn, may target Widodo for not making enough progress in tackling endemic corruption in Indonesia.

Neither candidate had yet made big promises to tackle these issues, he said, but both had indicated their support for greater religious tolerance – a founding principle of Indonesia, but one that has been eroded by the rise of Islamism in recent years.

Prabowo-Sandi campaign spokesman Andre Rosiade flagged ahead of the debate the case of Novel Baswedan – an investigator with the respected Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (anti-corruption commission, or KPK) – who was attacked with hydrochloric acid in April 2017, and whose case remains unsolved, will likely be raised.

Rosiade said that “God willing, Prabowo and Sandi will solve it within 100 days [if they win the election] so that there will be legal certainty for KPK investigators that no more a group of thugs could terrorise KPK”.

Rosiade claimed the shine had gone from the still-popular President.

“The most important thing is that Jokowi’s magic has now gone. He is in fact nothing special; we’ve seen it in the last four years. He offered hope and how he has no more hope [to offer],” he said.

“We won’t be attacking [Widodo and Amin]. We will only propose ideas for betterment.”

Aria Bima, an official in the Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin campaign team, said the President and his running mate would focus on the goverment’s achievments in the nearly five years since the last election, and their plans for the future.

“We will say, you said that building infrastructure is not important, we will explain that it is not the case, that infrastructure is important. They [Prabowo] said that Indonesia will be extinct one day [an infamous claim made by the candidate in a 2018 speech], we will explain the fact that Indonesia is one among a handful of the most productive countries in the world. We want to build up a good spirit,” he said.

Human Rights Watch Indonesia researcher Andreas Harsono suggested neither of the candidates were likely to criticise the other on how to tackle terrorism, but each could critique the other on human rights and corruption.

“What are the biggest human rights issues in Indonesia? According to several public surveys, there are three issues. One is religious violence and intolerance; the second is land grabbing for palm oil plantations and mining; and the third is discrimination against women – female genital mutilation, child marriages, and the mandatory wearing of hijabs [in some places],” he said.

Infrastructure investment, including in road, rail and housing, has been a major focus for Widodo in his first term.

If re-elected – Widodo leads Prabowo in reputable polls – the President’s campaign team says he will focus on investment in human capital and look to spend more on schools, universities and health care in his second term.

Prabowo, for his part, has promised tax cuts (though few Indonesians actually pay tax) and programs to improve childhood nutrition so far. Further major promises are expected in the lead up to the Aprl 17 poll, when Indonesians will also vote for local members of parliament.

James Massola is south-east Asia correspondent, based in Jakarta. He was previously chief political correspondent for The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, based in Canberra. He has been a Walkley and Quills finalist on three occasions.

Karuni Rompies is Assistant Indonesia Correspondent for Fairfax Media.

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jokowi

definition of politics by The Free Dictionary

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pol·i·tics

(pŏl′ĭ-tĭks)n.1. (used with a sing. verb)

a. The art or science of government or governing, especially the governing of a political entity, such as a nation, and the administration and control of its internal and external affairs.

b. Political science.

2. (used with a sing. or pl. verb)

a. The activities or affairs engaged in by a government, politician, or political party: “Our politics has been corrupted by money and suffused with meanness” (Peter Edelman).”Politics have appealed to me since I was at Oxford because they are exciting morning, noon, and night” (Jeffrey Archer).

b. The methods or tactics involved in managing a state or government: The politics of the former regime were rejected by the new government leadership. If the politics of the conservative government now borders on the repressive, what can be expected when the economy falters?

3. (used with a sing. or pl. verb) Political life: studied law with a view to going into politics; felt that politics was a worthwhile career.

4. (used with a sing. or pl. verb) Intrigue or maneuvering within a political unit or a group in order to gain control or power: Partisan politics is often an obstruction to good government. Office politics are often debilitating and counterproductive.

5. (used with a sing. or pl. verb) Political attitudes and positions: His politics on that issue is his own business. Your politics are clearly more liberal than mine.

6. (used with a sing. or pl. verb) The often internally conflicting interrelationships among people in a society.

Usage Note: Politics, although plural in form, takes a singular verb when used to refer to the art or science of governing or to political science: Politics has been a concern of philosophers since Plato. But in its other senses politics can take either a singular or plural verb. Many other nouns that end in -ics behave similarly, and the user is advised to consult specific entries for precise information.

politics

(ˈpɒlɪtɪks) n

1. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) (functioning as singular) the practice or study of the art and science of forming, directing, and administrating states and other political units; the art and science of government; political science

2. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) (functioning as singular) the complex or aggregate of relationships of people in society, esp those relationships involving authority or power

3. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) (functioning as plural) political activities or affairs: party politics.

4. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) (functioning as singular) the business or profession of politics

5. (functioning as singular or plural) any activity concerned with the acquisition of power, gaining one’s own ends, etc: company politics are frequently vicious.

6. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) (functioning as plural) opinions, principles, sympathies, etc, with respect to politics: his conservative politics.

7. functioning as plural

)

a. the policy-formulating aspects of government as distinguished from the administrative, or legal

b. the civil functions of government as distinguished from the military

pol•i•tics

(ˈpɒl ɪ tɪks)

n. (used with a sing. or pl. v.)

1. the science or art of political government.

2. the practice or profession of conducting political affairs.

3. political affairs.

4. political methods or maneuvers.

5. political principles or opinions.

6. the use of strategy or intrigue in obtaining power, control, or status.

Idioms: play politics,

a. to engage in political intrigue.

b. to deal with people in an opportunistic or manipulative way, as for job advancement.

[1520–30]

Politics

the attitude of taking an active part in events, especially in a social context. — activist, n.

the doctrine of an equal division of landed property and the advancement of agricultural groups. Also called agrarian reform. — agrarian, adj.

an attempt, through the construction of conceptual frameworks, to develop a science of political parties.

opposition to doctrines on citizenship, especially those promulgated in France during the French Revolution. — anticivic, adj.

opposition to the Jacobins, one of the revolutionary parties of the French revolution; by extension, the term denotes opposition to the French Revolution and any of its supporters. — anti-Jacobin, n.

the quality of being opposed to the establishment or maintenance of a governmental military force. — antimilitarist, n.antimilitaristic, adj.

the techniques, policies, and training of special police who deal with terrorists, especially those who take hostages. — antiterrorist, adj.

the holding of no particular belief, creed, or political position. Cf. nothingarianism. — anythingarian, n.

a devotion to Arab interests, custom, culture, ideals, and political goals.

a follower of Arnold of Brescia, 12th-century Italian political reformer, especially his attacks upon clerical riches and corruption and upon the temporal power of the pope.

independent self-rule free from outside influence.

a social and political doctrine advocating egalitarianism and communism. — Babouvist, n.

the state of being composed of members of two parties or of two parties cooperating, as in government. — bipartisan, adj.

the practice, during war, of promoting propaganda and defeatist activities favoring an enemy country.

1. support of the actions and doctrines of Napoleon Bonaparte.
2. the desire for a leader to emulate Napoleon Bonaparte. — Bonapartist, n.

U.S. Slang, the practice of bribery or illicit payments, especially to or from a politician. Also boodling. — boodier, n.

U.S. a control by bosses, especially political bosses.

1. an adherence to the ideas and system of government developed by the Bourbons.
2. an extreme conservatism, especially in politics. — Bourbonist, n.Bourbonian, Bourbonic, adj.

the technique or practice in foreign policy of manipulating a dangerous situation to the limits of tolerance or safety in order to secure advantage, especially by creating diplomatic crises.

the characteristics shown by a dictatorship or imperial authority. — Caesarist, n.

a theory or system in which property and investment in busines; are owned and controlled by individuals directly or through ownership of shares in companies. Cf. communism. — capitalist, n., adj.capitalistic, adj.

adherence to Don Carlos of Spain and to his successors. — Carlist, n.

the doctrines and policies of Fidel Castro, communist premier of Cuba.

adherence to a middle-of-the-road position, neither left nor right, as in politics. — centrist, adj., n.

the principles of a movement or party of English political reformers, chiefly workingmen, from 1838 to 1848, advocating better working and social conditions for laborers in its People’s Charter (1838). — Chartist, n.

the doctrine that all citizens have the same rights and obligations.

Obsolete, a person who studies politics.

a system of political clubs, especially the clubs of the French Revolution. — clubbist, n.clubbish, adj.

the political doctrines of Richard Cobden, who believed in peace and the withdrawal from European competition for balance of power.

the socialist principle of control by the state of all means of productive or economic activity. — collectivist, n., adj.collectivistic, adj.

1. a theory or system of organization in which the major political and social units are self-governing communes, and the nation is merely a federation of such groups.
2. the principles or practices of communal ownership. Cf. communism, socialism. — communalist, n.communalistic, adj.

a theory or system in which all property is owned by all of the people equally, with its administration vested by them in the state or in the community. Cf. capitalism. — communist, n., adj.communistic, adj.

1. the disposition to retain what is established and to practice a policy of gradualism rather than abrupt change. Cf. radicalism.
2. the principles and practices of political conservatives, especially of the British Conservative party. — conservative, n., adj.

1. the principles of the form of government defined by a constitution.
2. an adherence to these principles.
3. constitutional rule or authority. — constitutionalist, n.

1. an attitude or policy of favoritism or partiality to a continent.
2. a policy advocating a restriction of political or economie relations to the countries of one continent. — continentalist, n.

a person who practices or advocates corruption, especially in politics or public life.

favoritism, especially in the giving of political appointments.

the habits and principles of nonrevolutionaries, of the bourgeoisie. Cf. sansculottism. — culottic, adj.

1. an autocratic government.
2. dictatorship. Also spelled tzarism, tsarism.czarist, n., adj.

one of those who conspired to overthrow Russian Czar Nicholas I in December, 1825. Also Dekebrist.

Decembrist.

the art and practice of gaining power and popularity by arousing the emotions, passions, and prejudices of the people. Also demagoguery.

a doctrine of or belief in social equality or the right of all people to participate equally in politics.

1. the policy of being sectarian in spirit, especially in carrying out religious policy.
2. the tendency to separate or cause to separate into sects or denominations. — denominationalist, n., adj.

advocacy of the division of something, such as an educational institution, into departments. — departmentalization, n.

the actions used by a saboteur against his own government and military forces. — diversionist, n.diversionary, adj.

the activity of terrorists who use dynamite to blow up public places.

a social and political philosophy asserting the equality of all men, especially in their access to the rights and privileges of their society. Also equalitarianism.egalitarian, n., adj.

egalitarianism.

a form of state socialism.

a policy of expansion, as of territory or currency. — expansionist, n., adj.expansionistic, adj.

the state or quality of being partisan or self-interested. — factional, adj.factionalist, n.

the doctrines and practices of the Spanish fascist party. — Falangist, n., adj.

the beliefs and activities of the followers of the Marquis de Lafayette.

the principles and practices of an Irish revolutionary organization founded in New York in 1858, especially its emphasis on the establishment of an independent Irish republic. — Fenian, n., adj.

(in France) a member of a club of constitutional monarchists, named after their meeting place at Notre Dame des Feuillants.

the principles of the Free Soil party (1846-56), which opposed the extension of slavery into any new territories of the United States. — Free Soiler, n.

the quality of having a coalition between certain political parties. — fusionist, n.

the principles of Mohandas K. Gandhi, Indian political and spiritual leader, especially his advocacy of passive resistance and noncooperation to achieve social and political reforms. — Gandhist, Gandhiist, n.Candhian, adj.

1. the principles and policies of Charles de Gaulle during World War II in support of the Free French and opposed to the Vichy regime.
2. the political principles, chiefly conservative and nationalistic, of de Gaulle as French president, 1959-69. — Gaullist, n., adj.

1. the study or application of the effect of political or economic geography on the political structure, programs, or philosophy of a state.
2. a policy or policies based on such factors.
3. the complex of geographical and political factors affecting or determining the nature of a state or region.
4. the study of the relationship between geography and politics, applied especially to the study of the doctrines and actions of Nazi Germany in the context of world domination. — geopolitician, n.geopolitical, adj.

the principles of the imperial and aristocratic party of medieval Italy, especially their support of the German emperors. Cf. Guelphism. — Ghibelline, n., adj.

a form of mild republicanism in France, 1791-1793, led by natives of the Gironde. — Girondist, n., adj.

the principle or policy of achieving a goal, as political or economic, by gradual steps rather than by sudden and drastic innovation. Cf. conservatism, radicalism. — gradualist, n., adj.gradualistic, adj.

the principles and practices of the papal and popular party in medieval Italy. Cf. Ghibellinism. — Guelphic, Guelfic, adj.

the principles of Marxian socialism as interpreted by the French socialist, editor, and writer Jules Guesde. — Guesdist, n., adj.

the political theories, doctrines, or policies of Alexander Hamilton, especially federalism, strong central government, and protective tariffs. — Hamiltonian, n., adj.

the condition of being under the rule or domination of another.

the body of doctrine, myth, symbol, etc., with reference to some political or cultural plan, as that of communism, along with the procedures for putting it into operation. — ideologist, idealogue, n.ideologic, ideological, adj.

opposition to liberalism.

1. the system of institutions or organized societies devoted to public, political, or charitable, or similar purposes.
2. a strong attachment to established institutions, as political systems or religions. — institutionalist, n.

the state of being an insurgent or rebel; the activities of insurgents or rebels.

1. the belief in cooperation between nations for the common good.
2. advocacy of this concept, — internationalist, n., adj.

Rare. the holding of mutual citizenship.

the doctrine supporting intervention, especially in international affairs and the politics of other countries. — interventionist, n., adj.

1. a national policy advocating the acquisition of some region in another country by reason of common linguistic, cultural, historical, ethnic, or racial ties.
2. (cap.) the policies of a 19th-century Italian party that sought to annex parts of certain neighboring regions with chiefly Italian populations. — irredentist, n., adj.

the policy or doctrine directed toward the isolation of a country from the affairs of other nations by a deliberate abstention from political, military, and economic agreements. — isolationist, n.

the possession of equal political and legal rights by all citizens of a state.

the granting of equal or reciprocal political rights by different countries to each other’s citizens. — isopolite, n.isopolitical, adj.

the practices of the Jacobins, a political group advocating equalitarian democracy during the French Revolution. — Jacobin, n.Jacobinic, adj.

the political theories, doctrines, or policies of Thomas Jefferson, especially rigid interpretation of the U.S. Constitution, belief in an agrarian economy, states’ rights, and in the political acumen of the ordinary citizen. — Jeffersonian, adj.

a policy of self-sacrificing and determined radicalism. — jusquaboutist, n., adj.

the autocratie political system and policies of a German kaiser.

the religious and political doctrines of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1900?-), who founded the Islamic Republic in Iran in 1979.

doctrines of the American Party (1853-1856), the main goal of which was to bar foreign-born citizens from participating in government. — know-nothing, n.

a radical or liberal position or doctrine, especially in politics. — leftist, n., adj.

1. a political or social philosophy advocating the f reedom of the individual, parliamentary legislatures, governmental assurances of civil liberties and individual rights, and nonviolent modification of institutions to permit continued individual and social progress.
2. the principles and practice of a liberal political party. — liberalist, n., adj.liberalistic, adj.

the principles of the liberationists, an English society opposed to a state or established church and favoring disestablishment. — liberationist, n.

the practice of influencing legislators to favor special interests. — lobbyist, n.

the doctrines of the Locofocos, a radical faction of the New York City Democrats, organized in 1835 to oppose the conservatives in the party. — Locofoco, n., adj.

1. a dedication to the British cause during the American revolution; Toryism.
2. an adherence to the cause of the republic during the Spanish Civil War. — Loyalist, n., adj.

1. the principles of government set forth in The Prince by Machiavelli, in which political expediency is exalted above morality and the use of er aft and deceit to maintain authority or to effectuate policy is recommended. Also Machiavellism.
2. activity characterized by subtle cunning, duplicity, or bad faith. — Machiavellian, n., adj.

the principles and attitudes of Daniel F. Malan, prime minister of the Union of South Africa (1948-54), whose policies of apartheid and Afrikander supremacy were first made law during his term of office.

1. U.S. the practice of making accusations of disloyalty, especially of pro-Communist activity, often unsupported or based on doubtful evidence.
2. any attempt to restrict political criticism or individual dissent by claiming it to be unpatriotic or pro-Communist.

an attitude of sympathy towards the Medes (Persians), held by some Greeks in the 6th and 5th centuries B.C.

1. the principle of maintaining a large military establishment.
2. the policy of regarding military efficiency as the supreme ideal of the state, and the subordinating of all other ideals to those of the military. Also militaryism.militarist, n.militaristic, adj.

the principle or policy of moderation, especially in politics and international relations. — moderantist, n.

1. the practice of independence, especially in politics.
2. an inability to make up one’s mind, especially in politics; neutrality on controversial issues. Also mugwumpery.mugwump, n.mugwumpian, mugwumpish, adj.

a doctrine that lays stress on the importance of the multitude instead of the individual. — multitudinist, n., adj.multitudinal, adj.

the principles and practices of the National Socialist Workers’ party under Adolf Hitler from 1933 to 1945. — Nazi, n., adj.

the advancement and advocacy of equal rights for Negroes. — negrophilist, n.negrophile, adj.

domination of a small or weak country by a large or strong one without the assumption of direct government. — neocolonialist, n., — neocolonial, adj.

a new movement in conservatism, usually seen as a move further to the right of the position currently occupied by conservatives in politics or in attitudes. — neoconservative, n., adj.

a movement that modifies classical liberalism in light of 20th-century conditions.

the practice or policy of remaining neutral in foreign affairs. — neutralist, n.

the doctrine that governments should not interfere in the politics of other countries. — noninterventionist, n., adj.

the practice or policy of nonsupport for established or regular political parties. Also nonpartisanship. — nonpartisan, n., adj.

the holding of no belief, creed, or political position. Cf. anythingarianism. — nothingarian, n.

the doctrine or advocacy of alliance or cooperation among all African states. — Pan-Africanist, n., adj.

the idea of a single state including all of North and South America.

the doctrine or advocacy of alliance or cooperation among all Arab states. — Pan-Arabist, n., adj.

a 19th-century political movement whose aim was the unification of all Germans.

an action or spirit of partiality for a specific political party. Also partisanship. — partisan, n., adj.

1. the system of political parties.
2. a strong adherence to a party. — partyist, n.

1. the state or quality of being passive.
2. the doctrine or advocacy of a passive policy, as passive resistance. — passivist, n.

the principles and doctrines of political economists following the ideas of Francois Quesnay in holding that an inherent natural order adequately controlled society and advocating a laissezfaire economy based on land as the best system to prevent interference with natural laws. — physiocrat, n. — physiocratic, adj.

the policies of William Pitt the Younger, chief minister under King George III of England and sympathizer with the colonies during the American Revolution. — Pittite, n.

1. Ecclesiastic. the holding of two or more church offices by a single person.
2. the state or condition of a common civilization in which various ethnic, racial, or religious groups are free to participate in and develop their common cultures.
3. a policy or principle supporting such cultural plurality. — pluralist, n. — pluralistic, adj.

a mania for politics.

the study of politics; political science. Also politicology. — politologist, n. — politological, adj.

the existence of a number of basic guiding principles in the political system of a Communist government.

1. the doctrine that sovereign power is vested in the people and that those chosen by election to govern or to represent must conform to the will of the people.
2. U.S. History. a doctrine, held chiefly before 1865 by antiabolitionists, that new territories should be free of federal interference in domestic matters, especially concerning slavery.

1. the principles and doctrines of any political party asserting that it represents the rank and file of the people.
2. (cap.) the principles and doctrines of a late 19th-century American party, especially its support of agrarian interests and a silver coinage. — populist, n., adj. — populistic, adj.

domination of government by prostitutes, especially in reference to the Roman government in the flrst half of the lOth century.

1. Also called progressionism, progressism. the principles and practices of those advocating progress, change, or reform, especially in political matters.
2. (cap.) the doctrines and beliefs of the Progressive party in America. — progressivist, n.

the practices, attitudes, social status, or political condition of an unpropertied class dependent for support on daily or casual labor. — proletarian, n., adj.

the principle of electing officials by proportionality. — proportionalist, n., adj.

the study of elections. — psephologist, n. — psephological, adj.

the traitorous rejection of one’s native country foliowed by the acceptance of a position of authority in the government of an occupying power. — quisling, n.

1. the holding or following of principles advocating drastic political, economie, or social reforms. Cf. conservatism, gradualism.
2. the principles or practices of radicals. — radical, n., adj.

realism in politics, especially policies or actions based on considerations of power rather than ideals.

the beliefs of rioters in South Wales in 1843-44, who were led by a man dressed as a woman and called Rebecca. — Rebeccaite, n.

the doctrine or movement of reform whether it be social, moral, or of any other type. — reformist, n. — reformistic, adj.

adherence to reactionary politics. — retrogradist, n., adj.

the support or advocacy of a royal government. — royalist, n., adj. — royalistic, adj.

any extreme republican or revolutionary principles. Cf. culottism. — sanscullotist, n. — sanscullotic, sanscullotish, adj.

the doctrines and practices of the secessionists. — secessionist, n., adj. — secessional, adj.

an advocacy of separation, especially ecclesiastical or political separation, as the secession of U.S. states before the Civl War. — separatist, n., adj.

a secret Mexican counterrevolutionary movement, advocating the return to Christian social standards and opposing communism, labor unions, conscription, and Pan-Americanism. — Sinarquist, n.

fear or hatred of things Slavic, especially of real or imagined political influence. — Slavophobe, n. — Slavophobic, adj.

1. a theory or system of social organization advocating placing the ownership and control of capital, land, and means of production in the community as a whole. Cf. utopian socialism.
2. the procedures and practices based upon this theory.
3. Marxist theory. the first stage in the transition from capitalism to communism, marked by imperfect realizations of collectivist principles. — socialist, n., adj. — socialistic, adj.

1. a member of a German socialist party founded in 1918.
2. an extreme socialist. [Allusion to Spartacus, leader of a slave revolt against Rome, 73-71 B.C.]

the principles and actions characteristic of one who is a strong partisan of a cause. — stalwart, n.

extreme conservatism.

militant advocacy of suffrage for women. Cf. suffragism.

any advocacy of the granting or extension of the suffrage to those now denied it, especially to women. — suffragist, n.

1. an economic system in which workers own and manage an industry.
2. a revolutionary form or development of trade unionism, originating in France, aiming at possession and control of the means of production and distribution and the establishment of a corporate society governed by trade unions and workers’ cooperatives. — syndicalist, n. — syndicalistic, adj.

1. the activities and principles of Tammany Hall, a powerful New York City Democratic political society of the 1800s, founded as a benevolent organization, which later deteriorated into a force for political patronage and corruption.
2. activities or beliefs similar to those of Tammany Hall. — Tammanyite, n., adj.

1. the principle of the political predominance of the landed classes; landlordism.
2. the theory of church policy vesting supreme ecclesiastical authority in a civil government, as in 16th-century Germany. Also called territorial system. — territorialist, n.

1. a method of government or of resisting government involving domination or coercion by various forms of intimidation, as bombing or kidnapping.
2. the state of fear and terror so produced. — terrorist, n., adj. — terroristic, adj.

1. a support of the British cause during the American Revolution.
2. an advocacy of conservative principles opposed to reform and radicalism.
3. the actions of dispossessed Irishmen in the 17th century who were declared outlaws and noted for their outrages and cruelty.
4. the principles of a conservative British party in power until 1832. — Tory, n., adj., — Toryish, adj.

the condition in a nation of having two political parties with equal voting strength and little opposition from other parties.

czarism.

extreme conservatism, especially in politics. — ultraconservative, n., adj.

1. the principles of those who advocate extreme points of view or actions, as radicalism.
2. extremist activities. — ultraist, n., adj. — ultraistic, adj.

the state or condition of being out of sympathy with or against an ideal of American behavior, attitudes, beliefs, etc. — un-American, n., adj.

an economie theory based on the premise that voluntary surrender by capital of the means of production would bring about the end of poverty and unemployment. Cf. socialism.

1. any underhanded, illegal, unethical, or dishonest political practice or action.
2. behavior attempting to conceal such practices or action.

Rare. government or rule by Whigs.

the doctrines and activities of the Irish Whiteboys, a secret agrarian society formed in 1761 to fight high rents [from the white shirts worn by the members at night for identification]. — Whiteboy, n.

Politics/Politicians

  1. The body politic, like the human body, begins to die from its birth, and bears in itself the causes of its destruction —Jean Jacques Rousseau
  2. A cannibal is a good deal like a Democrat, they are forced to live off each other —Will Rogers, weekly newspaper article, April 14, 1929
  3. The Democratic party is like a man riding backward in a railroad car; it never sees anything until it has got past it —Thomas B. Reed
  4. The Democratic party is like a mule, without pride of ancestry or hope of posterity —Emory Storrs
  5. The Democrats are like someone at a funeral who just found out they won the lottery —Eleanor Clift, McLaughlin Group television show, December 28, 1986

    The comparison was made during a discussion of the Iran Contra aid scandal.

  6. Elections … are like mosquitoes, you can’t very well fight ‘em off without cussing ‘em —Will Rogers, letter to Los Angeles Times, November 10, 1932
  7. In politics as in religion, it so happens that we have less charity for those who believe the half of our creed, than for those that deny the whole —Charles Caleb Colton
  8. In politics, as in womanizing, failure is decisive. It sheds its retrospective gloom on earlier endeavor which at the time seemed full of promise —Malcolm Muggeridge
  9. Like American beers, presidential candidates these days are all pretty much the same, heavily watered for blandness, and too much gas —Russell Baker
  10. A man running for public office is like a deceived husband; he is usually the last person to realize the true state of affairs —Robert Traver
  11. A man without a vote is, in this land, like a man without a hand —Henry Ward Beecher
  12. Merchandise candidates for high office like breakfast cereal … gather votes like box tops —Adlai Stevenson

    In his August 18, 1956 speech accepting the presidential nomination, Stevenson used this double simile to verbally shake his head at the idea that politics is just like product merchanding.

  13. Ministers fall like buttered bread; usually on the good side —Ludwig Boerne
  14. One revolution is just like one cocktail; it just gets you organized for the next —Will Rogers
  15. Patronage personnel are like a broken gun, you can’t make them work, and you can’t fire them —Peter Dominick, from the monthly newsletter of Senator Dominick, August, 1966
  16. Political elections … are a good deal like marriages, there’s no accounting for anyone’s taste —Will Rogers, weekly newspaper article, May 10, 1925
  17. Political rhetoric has become, like advertising, audible wallpaper, always there but rarely noticed —George F. Will
  18. A politician is like quick-silver; if you try to put your finger on him, you find nothing under it —Austin O’Malley
  19. Politicians are like drunks. We’re the ones who have to clean up after them —Bryan Forbes
  20. Politicians are like the bones of a horse’s foreshoulder, not a straight one in it —Wendell Phillips, 1864 speech
  21. Politics are almost as exciting as war, and quite as dangerous —Sir Winston Churchill

    Churchill followed up the simile with, “In war you can only be killed once, but in politics many times.”

  22. Politics are like a labyrinth, from the inner intricacies of which it is even more difficult to find the way of escape than it was to find the way into them —William E. Gladstone
  23. Politics is like a circus wrestling match —Nikita S. Khrushchev
  24. Politics is like a race horse. A good jockey must know how to fall with the least possible damage —Edouard Herriot
  25. Politics is like being a football coach. You have to be smart enough to understand the game and dumb enough to think it’s important —Eugene McCarthy
  26. Politics is like waking up in the morning. You never know whose head you will find on the pillow —Winston Churchill
  27. Politics, like religion, hold up the torches of martyrdom to the reformers of error —Thomas Jefferson
  28. Presidential appointments are left to us like bad debts after death —Janet Flanner
  29. Professional politicians are like chain smokers, lighting a new campaign on the butt of the old one —Steven V. Roberts, New York Times, November 24, 1986

    This was the only simile in Roberts’ article. Yet, as is so often the case, it was the phrase highlighted as a boxed blurb to get reader attention.

  30. The public is like a piano. You just have to know what keys to poke —John Dewey
  31. The pursuit of politics is like chasing women: the expense is damnable, the position ridiculous, the pleasure fleeting —Robert Traver
  32. Running for public office was not unlike suffering a heart attack; overnight one’s whole way of life had abruptly to be changed —Robert Traver
  33. So long as we read about revolutions in books, they all look very nice … like those landscapes which, as artistic engravings on white vellum, look so pure and friendly —Heinrich Heine
  34. (They said) the range of political thinking is round, like the face of a clock —Tony Ardizzone
  35. A voter without a ballot is like a soldier without a bullet —Dwight D. Eisenhower, New York Times Book Review, October 27, 1957
  36. Watching foreign affairs is sometimes like watching a magician; the eye is drawn to the hand performing the dramatic flourishes, leaving the other hand, the one doing the important job, unnoticed —David K. Shipler, New York Times, March 15, 1987

politics

– policy – political1. ‘politics’

The noun politics is usually used to refer to the methods by which people get, keep, and use power in a country or society.

She is interested in a career in politics.

Her parents never discussed politics.

When politics is used like this, you can use either a singular or plural form of a verb with it. It is more common to use a singular form.

Politics is sometimes about compromise.

American politics are very interesting.

Politics can refer to a particular set of beliefs about how countries should be governed or power should be used. When you use politics like this, you use a plural form of a verb with it.

I think his politics are are quite conservative.

Politics can also refer to the study of the ways in which countries are governed, and of the ways in which people get and use power. When you use politics like this, you must use a singular form of a verb with it.

Politics is often studied together with Economics.

2. ‘policy’

There is no noun ‘politic’. To refer to a course of action or plan that has been agreed upon by a government or political party, use policy.

He criticized the government’s education policy.

3. ‘political’

Don’t use ‘politic’ as an adjective to mean ‘relating to politics’. Use political.

The government is facing a political crisis.

Do you belong to a political party?


politik

Berita Bola Terkini, Jadwal Pertandingan, Klasemen, Hasil Liga

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Penyerang muda AC Milan, Cutrone saat melakukan duel udara dengan Chiellini pada lanjutan laga serie a yang berlangsung di stadion San Siro, Milan (12/11). AC Milan kalah 0-2. (AFP/Marco Bertorello)Liga Italia16 Jan 2019 03:22

Drama Adu Penalti Kerap Hiasi Duel Juventus Vs AC Milan di Supercoppa Italia

Juventus dan AC Milan akan menjalani pertemuan ketiga di Supercoppa Italia.

Pelatih Real Madrid, Santiago Solari, memimpin sesi latihan jelang laga Liga Champions di Roma, Italia, Senin (26/22/2018). Real Madrid akan berhadapan dengan AS Roma. (AFP/Filippo Monteforte)Liga Spanyol16 Jan 2019 02:38

Santiago Solari Tak Cemas Real Madrid Alami Krisis Penyerang

Pelatih Real Madrid, Santiago Solari, tak mengkhawatirkan krisis penyerang yang tengah melanda timnya.

Aksi Mesut Ozil saat mengiring bola kontra Wolverhampton pada laga lanjutan Premier League, yang berlangsung Minggu (11/11) di stadion Emirates. Arsenal ditahan imbang Wolverhampton 1-1. (AFP/Daniel Olivas)Liga Italia16 Jan 2019 01:58

Arsenal Siap Lepas Mesut Ozil ke Juventus atau Inter Milan

Arsenal siap melepas Mesut Ozil ke Juventus atau Inter Milan.

2. Krzysztof Piatek (Genoa) - 10 gol (AFP/Marco Bertorello)Liga Italia16 Jan 2019 01:22

Genoa Akui AC Milan Incar Krzysztof Piatek

Direktur Olahraga Genoa, Giorgio Perinetti, mengungkapkan AC Milan mengincar Krzysztof Piatek.

3. Alvaro Morata - Bakat menjadi striker mematikan sudah dimiliki mantan pemain Real Madrid tersebut. Namun cedera berkepanjangan membuatnya gagal bersaing dengan Diego Costa yang makin bersinar bersama Spanyol. (AFP/Glyn Kirk)Liga Spanyol16 Jan 2019 01:00

Barcelona Berniat Jadikan Alvaro Morata Pelapis Luis Suarez

Alvaro Morata disiapkan sebagai striker pelapis di Barcelona.

Bayu Gatra (Liputan6.com / Helmi Fithriansyah)Liga Indonesia15 Jan 2019 22:00

PSM Resmi Kontrak Bayu Gatra

Bayu Gatra menjadi satu-satunya pemain yang dikontrak PSM dengan durasi dua tahun.

Gelandang Manchester United, Jesse Lingard, merayakan gol yang dicetaknya ke gawang Cardiff pada laga Premier League di Stadion Cardiff City, Wales, Sabtu (22/12). Cardiff kalah 1-5 dari MU. (AFP/Geoff Caddick)Liga Inggris15 Jan 2019 21:20

Lingard Optimistis MU Mampu Tembus Empat Besar

Performa Manchester United (MU) bersama Ole Gunnar Solskjaer masih terus terjaga.

Striker Tottenham Hotspur Fernando Llorente berselebrasi setelah mencetak gol ke gawang Rochdale pada laga ulangan (replay) babak 16 besar Piala FA di Satdion Wembley, Kamis (1/3). Llorente menjadi lakon utama kemenangan Tottenham 6-1. (Glyn KIRK/AFP)Liga Spanyol15 Jan 2019 21:10

Butuh Striker, Barcelona Lirik Striker Tottenham Hotspur

Barcelona ingin menambah kekuatan lini serangnya.

4. Eden Hazard (Liverpool) - 10 Gol (3 Penalti). (AP/Frank Augstein)Liga Inggris15 Jan 2019 21:00

Chelsea Banderol Hazard Rp 1,8 Triliun

Kontrak Hazard bersama Chelsea bakal berakhir pada musim panas tahun depan.

Manajer Manchester United, Jose Mourinho menyaksikan timnya melawan Manchester United pada lanjutan pekan ke-17 Premier League di Stadion Anfield, Minggu (16/12). Manchester United tumbang di markas Liverpool dengan skor 1-3. (Paul ELLIS / AFP)Liga Spanyol15 Jan 2019 20:50

Presiden La Liga Akan Senang jika Mourinho Kembali ke Spanyol

Rumor yang muncul menyebut Mourinho akan kembali ke La Liga untuk melatih Real Madrid.



prediksi bola

Why is Joko Widodo so popular?

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I think, one word could describe why Joko Widodo is so popular, and that word is ‘hope’. Where all the citizen in Indonesia I think, is having a quite same deja-vu, when the regime of government do change, but the corruption still a cliché thing.

In smaller portion of area, people of capital Jakarta, having a similar pattern, when the regime of government who rules in Jakarta, have a tendency (even its not proven yet) to be corrupt. 5 years with no breakthrough policy, 5 years with no real solution for better traffic condition, and 5 years with same sh*t do happen. People tends to hopeless to this one.

And Joko Widodo just came out, like a savior of the day. He brings hope, he brings courage to people who hope for better condition in Jakarta. Track record of Solo has shown that, many people in solo put their hope in him. And many people do hope is time for Jakarta now.

Though, in my humble opinion, that Joko Widodo himself not a guaranteed for better Jakarta or clean corruptless government. But he succeed to give hope to all people who are hopeless.

I don’t really want to go over a lot of details on this, because if you’re looking for details, you can simply do a quick Google search on his name (although I’d quickly mention that he is a nominee of the World Mayor program, and I encourage you to vote for him here http://worldmayor.com/). I’d rather spend time writing about how their talks made a personal impression on me.

I just recently heard more about this person when he paired up with Basuki Tjahaja Purnama to run for Jakarta’s gubernatorial election. I myself am not an avid fan of politics, but when I hear people talk about politics in Indonesia, I could, most of the time, conclude in just a few seconds that they’re talking pure bull^&*(. But these two guys are different. When they discussed their visions on talk shows and interviews on multiple TV programs, I can feel that what they’re talking comes sincerely from their hearts. I can feel that they really meant what they said, and it’s just that subtle impression that actually encouraged me to look for more information. After doing a couple more Google searches, I started to think that these two people might actually have what it takes to change Jakarta for the better.

People change once they obtain power, fame, and fortune, so I might be very well mistaken. Oh well, we’ll see, won’t we?

In my opinion, there are 3 easy answer for this: 1. Leadership Style 2. Integrity, 3. Result.

1. Leadership Style

Being inclusive (popular Indonesia term: blusukan), decisive and priority based working management.

2. Integrity

Since their early political career, money never been an issue, they’re a successful business people. They felt they can do much more by being a poitician instead of businessman. Nawaitu, Niat, Intention, that’s what matters and define you.

3. Result.

Not many leaders I’ve seen working as fast & as productive as they are. Have you seen Waduk Pluit nowadays? Kanal Banjir? How about the clear up of Sudirman Thamrin trees without any fanfare to clear up ways for MRT? Heck, they even build this roadside bench to foster social interaction. Their ultimate legacy will be MRT & Subway, we shall be the witness.

There you go, on why we put so much hope for this pair, I just hope Jokowi will be strong enough to say ‘NO’ to Megawati on being presidential candidate and finish what he started in Jakarta. Don’t worry sir, Indonesians will wait for you on the next election and majority will definitely vote for you, guaranteed.

In Indonesian culture, humility is highly valued. Yet, most of Indonesian political elites act with anything but humility. They act as if they were king or feudal lord, not public servant. Jokowi’s humility is very endearing to voters.

Secondly, he is seen as man of the hoi polloi. Indonesia is a nation which, although not completely lawless, grants very little protection to small people. Urban poor are regularly raided by public order enforcement officers (they are not exactly police, they are theoretically law enforcers, but they have a reputation for being violent). In Solo, he asked the street vendors nicely to relocate. Yes he asked them nicely, by negotiation, not by simply sending public order enforcement officers to threaten the street vendors (which is time honoured tradition in Indonesia). That humane way of dealing with small people, is unique in Indonesia. That immediately sets him apart from the traditional elites.

And he is also seen to be honest (another rare quality among Indonesian political elites).

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In short, he had image of a clean person, which is really important in Indonesia where the less knowledgeable seems to blame every suffering in their life to the corrupt politicians.
He’s also showing successful projects during his work at Solo.

How much he can hold in Jakarta which business interest is many times stronger than Solo ? Only time can tell, but for the time being, the emotional irrational reason for supporting him is because he’s “clean” while the other candidates are “dirty greedy politicians”

Simply speaking, he was successful during his time as the Mayor of Solo. He’s also known to be close to his citizen. One of his famous story was when he relocated the street sellers without violence. This proved to be a strong point in Jakarta where violence from the authorities happen all the time. Moreover, his approach of ‘nguwongke uwong’ (humanizing human) fits nicely as the people tend to be “inhumanly” treated by the authorities.

Simply because in the middle of a mountain of crap-pile, gold shines. Most of other officials are corrupt, or stay silent and following the system without doing much.

I would say it’s bound to happen sooner or later, since I believe in yin-and-yang, chaos after all will give birth to someone who fed-up with the situation and does everything to change that. As newton law says for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction.

Joko widodo and Basuki (Ahok) is the opposite reaction of what’s been happening for a very long time in Indonesia.

Joko Widodo is one of the few successful, non-corrupt official (or at least yet, hopefully not ever) in Indonesia. This paper by Princeton really explains it all: http://www.princeton.edu/success…

Jokowi has spirit of entrepreneurship.
He also have a special ability when engage low-level society and many communities.
Also, the power of “Kotak-Kotak” is so awesome 🙂

Because a leader of his calibre only comes once in a lifetime and people can see that. He means what he says and says what he means, that’s how Ahok put it.

You have to see how people came to defend Jokowi when this silly lawmaker tried to defame him. It’s almost comical:


jokowi

Indonesia’s Jokowi needs world’s backing

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Democracy prevailed in Indonesia this week. Now leaders there and around the world must quickly get behind the country’s president-elect.

After a tense two-week ballot recount in Indonesia’s closest ever race for the top job, election officials declared the popular governor of Jakarta, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, the winner in the July 9 presidential election.

The world’s most populous Muslim country and 10th-largest economy, Indonesia is also the third-largest democracy, behind India and the United States. Through successive cycles of elections since the fall of longtime strongman Suharto in 1998, the diverse and complex country has been hailed as a model of an open, moderate, tolerant, multiethnic and multi-religious society.

All that seemed at risk in recent weeks, as the most divisive campaign in Indonesian history produced an unprecedented standoff on election night, with both candidates proclaiming victory.

The dueling declarations were the result of conflicting “quick counts,” or statistical sampling of votes. Eight counts found Jokoto be the winner by 4 to 6 percentage points. Four others projected that former special forces commander and Suharto son-in-law Prabowo Subianto had won by a more narrow margin. With both candidates defiant and the country in political limbo, the burden for resolving the dispute fell to the country’s General Election Commission, or KPU, which by law had two weeks to certify the results.

The KPU set about the daunting task of tabulating some 136 million votes from nearly half a million polling stations, posting results on its website to maximize transparency. As it became clear that Jokowi, as he is popularly known, would be certified as president-elect, Prabowo made a last-ditch effort to derail the process, preemptively announcing his “withdrawal” from the vote count because of what he characterized as “massive, structural and systematic fraud” in the election. This was the latest in a series of antics by Prabowo designed to delay and obfuscate results, having both demanded a revote in some areas and insisted that the KPU halt the vote count altogether over the preceding days.

The eleventh-hour hijinks raised the political temperature in the country, as rumors spread that angry Prabowo supporters planned violent demonstrations. The KPU, however, was undeterred, announcing on Monday that Jokowi had won by a convincing 8 million votes.

The only recourse for Prabowo now would be to launch a challenge in the constitutional court, but given his “withdrawal” from the race, it is unclear whether he even has standing to do so. Even if he does, the nine-member constitutional court has no history of overturning results in presidential contests. Bottom line: This race is over. Jokowi, beloved for his integrity and inclusiveness by Indonesia’s poor and lower middle class, will take office as president of the republic on Oct. 20.

The only question left is how messy might things get between now and then. Prabowo has a dark past filled with allegations of human rights abuses during his military career, including the torture and kidnapping of student activists during the turmoil that brought down his father-in-law and deadly suppression of dissent in restive provinces such as West Papua and East Timor (now an independent state). He has proven in this campaign that he is still prepared to go to great lengths to achieve his objectives. His supporters shamefully played ethnicity and religion cards throughout the campaign, falsely accusing Jokowi of being Chinese, non-Muslim and even a communist. Raising such charges in a country with a history of ethnic, religious and anti-communist conflict was reckless and inexcusable, diminishing the quality of Indonesia’s democracy and opening the door to possible violence.

Indonesians did not take the bait. As in previous plebiscites, the election was peaceful. Voter participation was a robust 75% and civic participation was at an all-time high, with hundreds of thousands of volunteers monitoring polling stations to guard the integrity of the vote. In short, Indonesians rose above the divisive discourse, cementing their country’s reputation as a model for the Muslim world and beyond.

Indonesians can be expected to behave with similar wisdom in the coming months, seeing Prabowo’s rejection of the results for precisely what it is: the undignified behavior of a sore loser.

Now Indonesia’s leaders must come together to isolate Prabowo and prevent further provocations. This is especially true of outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. His party backed Prabowo in the race and one of his in-laws was the former general’s running mate. The president must now forget politics and publicly endorse Jokowi as president-elect. Yudhoyono’s men populate key state agencies, including, most importantly, the security forces, which would play an important role in the event of election-related unrest.

If Yudhoyono wants to retain respect after he steps down, he must set a clear tone and use his considerable authority to ensure a smooth transition of power to Jokowi. History will forget whatever good Yudhoyono did in his decade in office if he oversees a messy succession.

President Obama and other leaders can do their part by reinforcing that message with the outgoing president and by quickly calling to congratulate Jokowi on his win. Indonesia has turned an important page with this election, rejecting the strongman politics of the past in favor of a more inclusive, democratic and meritocratic future. Jokowi will be the first Indonesian president with no military background, no connections to the Suharto era, and no family ties to Indonesia’s traditional elite. Unbound by the past, the president-elect has a genuine opportunity to advance reform and lead the country forward. The international community should make every effort to see that he succeeds.

Karen Brooks is adjunct senior fellow for Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations and served in both the Clinton and Bush administrations on Asian affairs.


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Indonesian president Jokowi: A reform-minded leader

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Indonesian president Jokowi: A reform-minded leader

Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, won the presidential election of Indonesia in 2014 by vowing to boost growth, attract investments and improve infrastructure, making him the first president outside of the political and military elite.

Having worked as a carpenter and later as a furniture exporter before he was elected as the mayor of Jakarta, Jokowi is portrayed as a reform-minded and liberal president. Since assuming the top post in late 2014, he has carried out numerous reforms to fuel growth, albeit with different degrees of success. Nonetheless, he has improved the country’s fiscal credibility, improved public infrastructure, and created a market-friendly investment environment.

Fuel subsidy cuts and tax amnesty programs boost Indonesia’s fiscal credibility

Indonesia has a long record of budget and current account deficits, and Jokowi’s efforts in cutting fuel subsidies and his tax amnesty program have helped to improve the government’s fiscal space, regarded as his greatest achievement in the first two years of his presidency.

During the first three months of his presidency, Jokowi ended the decades-long subsidies that created a huge burden on government spending. The World Bank along with other international institutions had advised Indonesia to abandon its energy subsidies. With the help of low commodity prices, Jokowi’s administration pushed through with the reform. The cuts freed up 19.8 percent of the 2015 state budget, with a total of $20 billion to fund public spending for infrastructure and education.

To deal with tax evasion and fund government spending, Jokowi’s administration also launched a tax amnesty program in July 2016, which will run until March 2017. The first two phases of the program saw the government collecting an extra 107 trillion rupiah ($8 billion) worth of tax revenue, almost 10 percent of the total tax revenue in 2016.

Economic reforms improve ease of doing business in Indonesia

Indonesia is ranked among the worst countries to do business with according to the World Bank’s ranking, and Jokowi has made improving the index one of his top priorities.

Between September 2015 and August 2016, with over 200 business regulations, his government has introduced thirteen economic policy packages, which include reducing processing time for establishing a business, issuing permits, cutting administration costs, measures to support small and medium businesses, and fiscal incentives to attract investments. A series of reforms have generated waves of optimism that Indonesia is eager to integrate with the global economy. Foreign investors responded favorably to the economic reforms and saw an increase in foreign investment in 2015 by 19.2 percent.

So far, the reforms have helped the country to improve its ease of doing business index from 106th to 91th place in 2017. But this is still very far behind Jokowi’s goal to move Indonesia’s position to 40th by the end of his first term.

Another significant part of Jokowi’s economic reform is the change of foreign ownership, which has helped to create more opportunities for foreign investment. With the support of Jokowi, the revised foreign ownership rules, known as the negative investment list (DNI), which outline the industries and to what extent foreign investment is allowed, have reduced the restricted sectors and raised the foreign ownership limit for industries such as travel, pharmaceutical, and creative. While the liberalisation remains restrictive, it nonetheless demonstrates the government’s commitment to further liberalise the economy and foreign access.

Public infrastructure took momentum under Jokowi’s presidency after a slow start

Improvement in infrastructure has been an icon of Jokowi’s administration. Suffering from a minority parliament that was dominated by opposition parties, Jokowi’s administration was slow in the execution of public spending for infrastructure projects. However, over the last 12 months, Jokowi has consolidated his political power and spending has finally picked up momentum. Last year, several big projects came underway, including a third terminal opening at Jakarta’s Soekarno–Hatta International Airport, the construction of a metro network system in the capital, and a high-speed railway connecting the capital to the country’s West Java province.

Infrastructure projects continue to face structural challenges such as land acquisition and weak cooperation between central and regional governments, especially land acquisition issues that have at times raised concern for human rights. But Jokowi has showed determination to push for infrastructure development and has appeared at the groundbreaking of several big projects despite land acquisition processes still being underway. While this may be seen as controversial, it ultimately boosts investor confidence.

Political consolidation frees up Jokowi’s efforts for more policy focus

Improving fiscal credibility and speeding up infrastructure spending were the key achievements of Jokowi’s first two years, but these could not have been achieved without the success of his political manoeuvring through the complexity of the Indonesian political system.

Jokowi began his presidency with a parliament dominated by opposition parties, but within the last 12 months, he has gained support of other political parties, including the opposition party, Golkar, which is also the second largest political party in Indonesia. With the help of Golkar, Jokowi has nearly 70 percent of the parliament behind him, making the legislative process easier.

With a majority parliament, he was able to pass through the controversial tax amnesty bill and reshuffle his cabinet in July 2016, a second time within a year. His appointment of Sri Mylyani Indrawati, a World Bank managing director, as a finance minister is widely welcomed by investors as a sign of the government’s commitment to fiscal discipline.

Despite coming from the outside of the political circle, Jokowi has exhibited great political navigation skills. He is now in a much stronger position to carry out his reforms and it is looking increasingly likely that he will be re-elected in 2019 for a second term.

Looking ahead, logistics and infrastructure deficiencies will continue to prevent Indonesia from reaching its growth potential. Internal power struggles, especially within the ruling party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and chairwoman and former president, Megawati Sukarnoputri pose the greatest challenges to Jokowi’s political position. External factors such as the competition between China and the US and the uncertainty of the global economy will weigh on Indonesia’s economic development.

But investors have reasons to be hopeful for Indonesia. Unlike many southeast Asian political leaders, who are either suffering from international criticisms, tangled in corruption scandals, or constrained by entrenched power struggles, Jokowi has the political power, and his reform-minded and pro-business attitude is a sign of optimism in the Indonesian market. Jokowi has set a target of 7 percent GDP growth by 2019. While this is a rather ambitious target with the World Bank predicting Indonesia to grow 5.3 percent in 2017, if Jokowi manages to secure a second term, it is very likely he will be able to achieve it after 2019.



About Author


Qingzhen Chen

Qingzhen Chen

Qingzhen is a GRI Senior Analyst and a research analyst for an international information company. Her research focuses on China and the Asia Pacific. Previously she was a market researcher for PwC. She has gained regional knowledge from internships with the UNDP, China Policy, and the Royal United Services Institute. She holds a BA in Politics and East European Studies and an MSc in Security Studies from University College London.


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Prediksi Bola88 Malam Hari Ini

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Prediksi Bola Malam Hari Ini 19-20 November 2018

Prediksi Bola – prediksi bola yang kami persembahkan untuk anda hanya lah sebagai perbandingan saja kami tidak bertanggung jawab atas ke kalahan ato resiko lain nya kami hanya meberikan prediksi gratis semoga prediksi yang kami berikan membawa hoki bagi kita semua salam sepak bola.

Kick Off Liga Tim Prediksi
02:45 UEFA Nations League A Germany : Netherland 2 – 1
02:45 UEFA Nations League B Rep.Czech : Slovakia 2 – 1
02:45 UEFA Nations League B Denmark : Rep.Of Ireland 2 – 1
02:45 UEFA Nations League C Cyprus : Norway 0 – 2
02:45 UEFA Nations League C Bulgaria : Slovenia 2 – 0
00:00 UEFA Nations League D Georgia : Kazakhstan 3 – 0
00:00 UEFA Nations League D Andora : Latvia 0 – 2
02:45 UEFA Nations League D FYR Macedonia : Gilbraltar 4 – 0
02:45 UEFA Nations League D Liechtenstein : Armenia 0 – 3
03:00 Spain LA Liga 2 Almeria : Deportivo LA Coruna 1 – 2
03:00 International Friendly Qatar ( N) : Iceland 0 – 2
19:00 International Friendly U21 Bosnia-Herzegovina U21 : Azerbaijan U21 3 – 0
00:30 International Friendly U21 Italy U21 : Germany U21 1 – 2
01:00 International Friendly U21 Albania U21 : Malta U21 4 – 0
03:00 International Friendly U21 France U21 : Spain U21 1 – 1
14:00 Four Nations Tournamen U21 Iceland U21 : Thailand U21 3 – 0
18:35 Four Nations Tournamen U21 China U21: Mexico U21 0 – 4
00:00 International Friendly U20 Rep.Czech U20 : Switzerland U20 2 – 1
02:00 International Friendly U20 England U20 : Germany U20 1 – 0
16:00 UEFA European U19 Championship Cyprus U19 : Latvia U19 0 – 2
16:00 UEFA European U19 Championship Montenegro U19 : Russia U19 0 – 4
18:30 Indonesia Gojek Liga 1 Bhayangkara : Persipura jayapura 1 – 1
05:00 Brazil Serie A Fluminense : Ceara 2 – 0

*Yang Dicetak Tebal: Level Rekomendasi Tinggi


















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Why Is Obama’s Meeting with Indonesian President Important?

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There are lots of reasons why President Barack Obama is meeting with Indonesian President Joko Widodo today in Washington. Indonesia doesn’t often get the attention it deserves, but it is a key country with major links to the United States. It’s in the G7, and millions of its citizens or former citizens live in the US.

Most important, Indonesia is the fourth most populated country in the world, with a Muslim population that outstrips all other countries in the Middle East and North Africa in size. Because it has a democratic system of governance, President Obama and other US officials have often spoken of it as a “model” for a tolerant Muslim majority country–it’s a point made so often it’s become cliché.

The problem is, the cliché is a fiction.

The truth is that Indonesia’s legal system is infested with discriminatory laws restricting the rights of religious minorities and women. There are, for instance, laws prohibiting women from straddling motorcycles or wearing pants, and regulations on the length and type of skirts and headscarves they must wear. Churches and other non-Sunni faiths face discriminatory legal provisions.

Fully one-fifth of Indonesia’s 514 regencies and cities currently have rules requiring women–especially female students and civil servants–to wear the hijab. The hijab is also imposed on Christian girls in some areas, such as West Sumatra. In some places, other regulations allow female genital mutilation and child marriage. Indonesia’s official Commission on Violence against Women has reported that Indonesia had a total of 279 discriminatory local regulations in 2014.

In terms of the oft-cited religious tolerance, Indonesia’s religious minorities, including Shia, Sufi, and Ahmadiyya Muslims; Christians; Bahai; secularists; and followers of local faiths, face recurring threats and violence from Islamist militant groups. Earlier in October, Muslim vigilantes forced the closure of five Christian churches in Singkil, in southern Aceh province, claiming they did not have permits from the majority Muslim community.

Hyper-conservative religious groups in Indonesia, like the Islamic Defenders Front, have carried out attacks on religious minorities–and have not been punished. They all too often enjoy the power of the heckler’s veto. Their supporters have broken up book readings and film screenings, and forced cancellations of musical concerts. In 2012, the Islamic Defenders Front threatened to target a Lady Gaga concert and burn down the show’s venue, a stadium with seating for more than 50,000. Instead of arresting the organizers for these threats against tens of thousands of their citizens, the government advised Lady Gaga’s staff to cancel the show, which they did.

The semi-autonomous region of Aceh, in northern Sumatra, is an especially intolerant area. Islamic law bylaws create discriminatory offenses that do not exist in the regular Indonesian criminal code, criminalizing alcohol drinking, consensual same-sex sexual acts, homosexuality, and all sexual relations outside of marriage. These bylaws permit, as punishment, up to 100 lashes by whip and up to 100 months in prison. In September, Sharia police in Aceh arrested two young “suspected lesbians” in Aceh’s capital for hugging in public. Islamic vigilante groups have also harassed and detained transgender women there and in other parts of the country.

Indonesia’s LGBT community in general is under threat. Earlier this year, Indonesia’s Ulema Council (MUI), an influential Muslim clerical organization, issued a fatwa calling for same-sex behavior to be punished by a range of physical punishment from caning up to the death penalty.

And then there are the virginity tests. Human Rights Watch has recently documented how Indonesia’s national police and armed forces require female applicants, as well as spouses-to-be of military officers, to take unscientific and degrading “virginity tests.” The practice has been going on for decades, and over the years, tens of thousands of women have had to undergo this intrusive and often painful ordeal. When confronted about the practice more recently, government officials have told Human Rights Watch that the policy is necessary to keep sex workers from joining the military or police.

Jokowi is a new president. He’s only been in office for a year. He isn’t responsible for this dark legacy of discrimination and violence. But he is now best-positioned to do something about it.

President Obama, who spent time in the country as a youth, is best placed to urge him to do so. Jokowi is already pledging to take major steps to reform Indonesia’s legal system in the context of business and investment–removing or changing hundreds of local laws that restrict foreign companies and foreign workers. Obama and other business leaders should be pressing him to put just as much emphasis on changing laws and policies that harm women, LGBT people, and religious minorities.

Indonesia can be a model for a tolerant, multi-faith society–but only if its government does the hard work of nurturing genuine pluralism and tolerance. Reciting clichés is not enough.


John Sifton is Asia Advocacy Director for Human Rights Watch. Follow him on Twitter @JohnSifton.


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Papuans and Jokowi are hostage to Indonesian politics

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Indonesian President Joko Widodo recently announced the end of the decades-long restriction on foreign journalists in the provinces of Papua and West Papua, Indonesia’s territories in the island of New Guinea. While the president, popularly called Jokowi, says he is committed to human rights in the Papua provinces, the military and police continue to murder Papuans with virtual impunity.

Military and police violence

For the military, Papua is central to promotion advantages and their income – the government covers only 25% of the military budget. Corruption and human rights abuses go hand-in-hand with this.

In September 2014, West Papua Media reported mobile brigade (Brimob) police had shot three men for refusing to shave during raids targeting men with long hair, long beards and dreadlocks. These are seen as symbols of pro-independence supporters who operate in Papua’s jungles.

In December 2014, Indonesian military and police fired into a crowd in the highlands town of Paniai on the western side of Papua. Five teenagers, some in their school uniforms, were killed. Twelve people were injured.

The Paniai region has been the target of escalating brutal crackdowns by the military following the launch of “Operation Matoa” in December 2011. The operation intended to break a local armed resistance movement. It displaced an estimated 14,000 indigenous Papuans along the way.

In March this year, police opened fire on a crowd in Yahukimo, West Papua, killing one person and injuring four. This was a peaceful gathering to raise funds for humanitarian aid to victims of Cyclone Pam, which had struck Vanuatu a couple of days earlier.

Though exact figures are in dispute, some sources estimate that up to 500,000 indigenous Melanesians have been killed under Indonesia’s occupation.

Jokowi’s commitment to human rights in Papua

Jokowi visited Papua twice during his election campaign. In comparison, the former president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, made only three visits during his entire ten years in office.

In August 2014, Jokowi met with 30 Papuan politicians and religious leaders. He planned to have a dialogue with Papuan leaders every three months, either personally or involving key staffers. He promised to follow up the December 2014 killing in Paniai.

Natalius Pigai, a member of the Indonesian Human Rights Commission, Komnas HAM, met Jokowi shortly after the killings and said Jokowi knew of the case and would act. However, nothing has happened so far.

Jokowi has also announced a plan to build a presidential palace on the shores of Lake Sentani near Papua’s capital, Jayapura, a signal of new presidential attention to the Papuan provinces.

When he visited Papua in early May, Jokowi announced the lifting of the ban on foreign media and released five political prisoners who he then met personally. However, between 20 and 30 people remain incarcerated and local journalists are sceptical about the lifting of the media ban, which they regard as window dressing that will still exclude reports of human rights abuse. On this visit, Jokowi also announced a slate of new infrastructure investments in energy, tourism, manufacturing and communications.

Jokowi’s trip to Papua directly presaged his trip to Papua New Guinea, the overt purpose of which was to strengthen economic ties. As with Wayang puppetry, the shadow behind this light was to undermine PNG support for Papuans in West Papua. PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill announced his support for Papuans in February.

Jokowi’s activities in Papua are promising signs. But they remain ambiguous as internal politics continue to intervene.

Internal political struggle

Jokowi is surrounded by politicians and military generals with agendas that are unlikely to help Papua.

Former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, the leader of Jokowi’s Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), demands Jokowi bow to her wishes. As president, Megawati’s platform was driven by a strong conviction that Indonesia’s territorial integrity – including West Papua – must be preserved no matter what.

Megawati was a weak president, but she had around her several “strong” but shady political characters, including ex-generals. These strongmen have been forced onto Jokowi in both his election team and cabinet.

The former head of Indonesia’s intelligence agency, A.M. Hendropriyono – the alleged mastermind behind the assassination of human rights defender Munir Said Thalib – was part of Jokowi’s team during the presidential election.

Even more harmful for Papua is Jokowi’s defence minister, Ryamizard Ryacudu. Ryamizard was Megawati’s army chief of staff and was instrumental in a 2003 military operation against the separatist movement in Aceh. The operation involved human rights abuses and wholesale terrorising of the region’s civilian population.

Ryamizard believes that violence against civilians is heroic if it is for the sake of unity of the Republic. In response to the report on the 2001 murder of prominent Papuan leader Theys Eluay by Special Forces soldiers, Ryamizard said:

To my mind they (the soldiers) are heroes.

Late last year, Ryamizard publicly argued for greater involvement of the military in civilian life, a return of greater domestic security powers to the military, and reshuffling of the security forces to bring police under the command of the Home Ministry rather than the president. He is for an authoritarian state with increased power for the military, even over the president. Ryamizard is supported by Megawati and the central PDI-P party authorities – Jokowi’s political base.

Jokowi’s political strength both inside his own party and against the opposition is terribly fragile. He is buckling under the strain.

Jokowi is not motivated by personal image, nor corrupt advantage. But his ability to address human rights abuses in West Papua is compromised. He is deeply embedded in an internal political context that requires he demonstrate the Indonesian value of tegas – firmness.

Behind Jokowi is the shadow of Prabowo Subianto, an ex-general with a questionable human rights record. Voters see Prabowo, Jokowi’s opponent in the presidential election, as a “firm” leader. Prabowo controls the parliament through the Red and White coalition and is seeking to bring Jokowi down.

Jokowi is also caught in required obeisance to his PDI-P party controllers, who command the way he is “firm” in public. At the PDI-P Congress earlier this year, Megawati told Jokowi to do what he was told and not give in to international pressure in the case of Australian drug smugglers Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran. Jokowi quietly accepted the haranguing and remained publicly “firm”.

Jokowi also capitulated to interests within the party in undermining the highly respected Corruption Eradication Commission, the KPK. This seriously weakened public faith in his firmness in eliminating corruption, a core election pledge.

Jokowi is in a bind of his own making. He is a man of vision and integrity frozen by the politics of his time.

Papua awaits escape from being held hostage to wider Indonesian politics. But escape for the Papuans first requires Jokowi to escape his political shackles in order to deal with human rights abuses in Papua.


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